Unity

From Unity, 20 May 2006

Poetic justice

There is no way forward if the DUP is allowed to dominate politics at Stormont. Such a thought could be forgiven, considering the situation where the unionists have refused to share power with Sinn Féin. The political situation looks like a hurdle race, with no end to the hurdles: decommissioning, disbandment of the IRA, full support for the police, no truck with criminality; yet the Rev. Ian Paisley says that he resents very much the idea “that I am putting forth preconditions.”
    With great insight, Mr Paisley said, “We must be able build upon something that is democracy.” In an Irish Times interview (13 May 2006) Mr Paisley referred to the question of “democracy” on a number of occasions. Coming from a man who was part of the unionist monolith that practised undemocratic methods of government, this is in itself an insult to those of us who put much time and energy into the activities of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement, to bring democratic reforms to Northern Ireland.
    On another point, Mr Paisley contends that “a democracy cannot be built” on what he says is lacking in the Belfast Agreement, and he goes on to suggest (unacceptable) ways that the agreement must be changed before he will participate. The changes to the agreement that Mr Paisley is proposing hark back to the days of the old unionist regime. He also said, “I am not prepared to tie my country in with people who at the end of the day want to destroy it,” and therein lies the crunch. If that is to be Mr Paisley’s final hurdle, Sinn Féin will not be prepared to jump. In fact it is patently obvious that despite all his talk of democracy Mr Paisley does not recognise the legitimate right of those who aspire to a united Ireland to work democratically and politically for that end. This includes the Communist Party of Ireland, which opposed the IRA military campaign.
    Peter Hain has said that the 24th of November is an absolute deadline: either the Stormont Assembly forms a power-sharing government or it closes down. Spelling out the realities—withdrawal of payment to the Members of the Legislative Assembly—he said: “I’ll be advising the Assembly to tell their members to find new jobs . . . and advise the landlords of their advice centres that they are not going to be able to pay the rent . . . The public won’t stand for millions of pounds going to waste” (Irish Times, 12 May 2006).
    It could be said that all the parties will suffer because of the intransigence of the unionists. Almost certainly the smaller parties, like the Progressive Unionist Party, will find themselves near bankrupt without MLA funding for their offices and research facilities. In spite of the positive role that the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition played in the formation of the Belfast Agreement, they found themselves in exactly the same position when they lost their seats and the money that went with them in the 2003 Assembly election. They closed up shop last week.
    Peter Hain commented that the DUP were fiercely opposed (if that is the case, why don’t they show it?) to some of the things that he is going to implement by direct rule, like “the seven councils, the reform of education, the water charges—a long list of things.” He went on to say: “I’m doing these things because I strongly believe—and have the support, I believe, of the civil society, including the business community, the trade union and the voluntary sector,” a statement that must be challenged by the latter organisations.
    Finally, call it poetic justice if the British government are frustrated by the “continuing shifting of the goalposts” by the DUP. The British government were responsible for the inbuilt undemocratic unionist majority in the “statelet” of Northern Ireland. Is it any wonder that the unionists continue to use these inbuilt powers? On the other hand, great strides have been made under the Belfast Agreement; but it may be coming close to the time when, like the Women’s Coalition, we have to say it has served its purpose and we have to search for other, real democratic ways forward.
    The labour and trade union movement are working for unity of the people to oppose the privatisation of the civil service and other attacks on living standards. Political parties like Sinn Féin and others must fight on the economic front. In the meantime the three Sinn Féin MPs could put a new spin on power-sharing by taking up their seats at Westminster (as they do in local councils) and fiercely opposing Hain’s reforms. (This latter point, being contentious, will be considered in more depth in Unity’s centre pages in two weeks’ time.)

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