People’s republic?
The recolonisation of Bangladesh
by Marion Baur
The Unity report “Not such good value” (10 February 2007) threw some light on the situation in Bangladesh and—like many articles that deal with the trail of destruction left behind by the global capitalist chase for extra profits—may have left the reader with questions. Why Bangladesh of all places? How do the multinationals choose their victims? What can the working people do to change the situation?
I was commissioned by Unity’s “big sister” in Germany, Unsere Zeit, to research on the former East Pakistan, and the result might contain some answers. This is an abridged and updated version of the UZ report.
When the former British colony declared itself the Sovereign People’s Republic of Bangladesh on 26 March 1971, the long and bloody war of independence seemed to have come to a positive end for the 120 million inhabitants, and it looked as if the disastrous heritage of British colonial rule was going to be confined to the history books for ever.
One year after the declaration of independence the new state gave itself a constitution. It is still valid and is based on four principles, which are supposed to be the bedrock of Bangladesh: democracy, separation of state and religion, national independence, and—believe it or not—socialism.
Thirty-four years down the line there is little left for the now 136 million-strong population but the paper these promising words have been written on. Poverty and corruption are dominating the lives especially of the peasants and the industrial workers.
Bangladesh is a classic example which shows that socialism cannot be implemented by declaration and without the revolutionary break with capitalist ownership of the means of production. The country has become a victim of the policy of recolonisation by European and US imperialism. This policy was greatly helped by the counter-revolutionary destruction of the socialist world system.
There are three main reasons for the interest of the USA in Bangladesh. Its geographical position makes it an ideal frontier against the People’s Republic of China. The US strategists are tirelessly working at “agreements” like SOFA (“Status of Forces Agreement”), “Peace Corps Activity Agreement,” and numerous others. Their sole aim is to gain unhindered access for the US army and enable it to use the whole country as a base.
The totally corrupt government of Bangladesh is more than willing to let all this happen. Most of the so-called agreements are clear breaches of the country’s constitution and are being kept hidden from the people. The parliament has been bypassed almost every time one of these secret pacts was signed. Though several successive governments have been involved in this dirty business, the present Bangladesh National Party regime is beyond doubt the most pro-US and pro-imperialist one.
This favourable situation has been increasingly used by the US to pursue another major interest: putting pressure on India. The recent spectacular election victory of the left block (led by the communists) in Kerala, which meant the “loss” of state number 3 in India to the reds, increased the worries of the Bush administration and their wish to be very close to India.
The third reason for the US wanting to control Bangladesh is the “normal” capitalist need to rob other countries’ resources and products in order to compete in the market. 76.6 per cent of Bangladesh’s exports during the last thirty years have been textiles. This sector shows best the murderous struggle between European and US imperialism for their share in the exploitation of both resources and work force.
For many years British companies made best use of the “traditional” ties to the former colony. Cheap labour was certainly one but not the only attraction. The World Trade Organisation had given Bangladesh privileged access to European and US markets via the textile export quota. The result has been the known run by English firms to Bangladesh, shifting complete factories. One of the very recent examples from the North of Ireland was the clothes manufacturer Desmond’s.
To get rid of European competition, “friend “America pressured the WTO into ending the system of textile export quota, which happened at the end of 2004. They knew well, of course, that this meant the end of a large sector of Bangladesh’s textile industry and an even bigger disaster for the workers.
By mid-2005 more than half the mills had closed; the remaining ones were able to worsen working conditions further—“to survive,” as the workers were being told.
Neither the BNP government nor the opposition—its largest party being the less reactionary Awami League—have shown any resistance against the sell-out of Bangladesh and the deepening crisis. The only exception is the Communist Party of Bangladesh. In September 2005 the CPB worked out an eleven-point emergency programme which aims mainly at curtailing the worst effects of the crisis. It also contains suggestions which aim at the change of the general direction of politics. Here are the core elements:
1. Price cuts for public transport and basic goods of consumption.
2. Reopening of the closed-down textile mills, the introduction of a national minimum wage, respecting the right of workers to join a trade union.
3. Struggle against corruption in the electricity supply sector, particularly in country areas. Fight for fair prices for agricultural produce. State-owned land which has been occupied illegally by private individuals must be reclaimed.
4. Fight against religious sectarianism and criminal gangs, an immediate end to human rights violations and the attacks on progressive parties and organisations.
5. The gas and oil resources must be saved, the privatisation of these resources by local and foreign profit-makers ended. Struggle against the privatisation of the railway network.
6. The centre of struggle has to be resistance against the increasing control of the economy by US imperialism. The way forward is a return to the progressive vision which was born during the war of independence and moving away from the philosophy of the “free market” economy.
7. Basic education for all young people.
8. Fight against the increasing violence and constant breaches of democratic rights. The show trials, especially against communists, must end immediately.
9. A reform of the electoral system is urgently needed; an end must be put to corruption and the falsifying of election results.
10. All illegal treaties with the USA must be annulled and the country led back to the progressive spirit of the struggle for independence and the basics of the constitution.
11. The fight against the Jamat-BNP regime must be intensified; all left, progressive and radical-democratic forces brought together to form a broad alternative.
The document came at a time when the crisis was at its peak, and the communists left no doubt that a way out would not be found unless the working class fought for it.
The upsurge of struggle during last year, especially in the industrial areas of Ashilia-Sava and Sipur, the massive increase in people joining trade unions right across the country, two very successful general strikes, which were supported by no other political party than the CPB (and led to a decline of the influence of the “progressive” Awami League on the workers) and the textile workers’ uprising after the collapse of two mills caused a panic reaction by the government and its allied reactionary gangs. Several textile workers were murdered, many of them arrested.
This situation has not arisen (no offence to War on Want and other charitable organisations) because well-meaning people from all over were disgusted by the poor living conditions of the workers. It is a clear result of the organised struggle by class-conscious workers and the leadership given by the communists. When their general secretary, Mujahidul Islam, and party president, Manzurul Ashan Khan, asked for solidarity with the textile workers in struggle it came pouring in from all corners of the world: French trade unionists, German textile workers, Greek, Portuguese and many other communists and their parties sent messages of support.
Not one Irish union, union branch or indeed any other Irish organisation can be found amongst those who expressed their solidarity—an indication of the massive job we have to do here.
Bangladesh has changed since the uprising. The situation is far from good, but the will to fight against the race to the bottom has increased massively—a sure guarantee of increasing worries by both the textile lords and the US. |