From Unity, 11 August 2007

The Czech Republic after the KSM ban
An attack on all communists—an attack on all democrats

During the Unsere Zeit Festival in Germany, communists from twenty-five countries exchanged their views on the international political situation and discussed many details regarding closer and more practical co-operation. (See Unity of last week.) One of the highlights—though it happened for a sad and very serious reason—was the speech by and discussions with a leading representative of the banned Communist Youth Movement of the Czech Republic, KSM. The twenty-year-old comrade (whose name cannot be published for reasons of her own safety) spoke on two occasions in Dortmund: to the international guests of the DKP (German Communist Party) and to the leadership of the German Youth Organisation (SDAJ).
     Let’s put the positive results first. The “banning and declaration of dissolving” the Communist Youth Movement of the Czech Republic by the government on 12 October 2006 has been a failure as far as its intention of smashing the organisational structure of the movement is concerned. The KSM has since formed new clubs (their term for branches) in Liberec, Leské Budějovice, Ostrava, and other towns. Co-operation with other progressive organisations in the Czech Republic has been intensified. They haven’t been able to grind the public presence of the KSM to a halt either: more than 120,000 citizens have since signed the KSM petition against plans for US military bases on Czech territory.
     Nevertheless the KSM views the ban as a further step by the reactionary capitalist forces towards criminalising communism, both as an organised political movement and as a philosophical concept. (See the Greek Communist Party’s judgement in last week’s Unity.) The KSM is aware of the great danger this move contains and of the subsequent attempts to ban more communist organisations. The Czech parliament has already decided to form a committee that is going to review the “Communist Party’s loyalty to the constitution”—needless to say what the outcome will be.
     The pro-constitution argument is of course a nonsense and a smokescreen for hiding the real intentions. The Czech constitution—similar to the German and other bourgeois constitutional laws in Europe—states clearly, in article 11 of the “Charter of basic human rights,” the possibility of converting private property into property of the state if the economic situation and the interests of society as a whole require it. The sole reason given by the Czech Ministry of Internal Affairs for the ban on the KSM was precisely “the organisation’s aim to convert private property into commonly owned property.”
     The real aims behind the anti-communist campaign are clearly different ones: the criminalisation of our movement throughout Europe and beyond and thereby the weakening and finally smashing of all serious resistance against the capitalist system.
     In the Czech Republic—as in other countries with extremely anti-communist mainstream politics—fascist and neo-fascist organisations are mushrooming. The “National Resistance,” a group that is built around the hard core of the fascist skinhead scene, is threatening political opponents and spreading racism and hatred through their publications and web sites. The same Ministry of Internal Affairs that banned the KSM sees no need to act against the neo-Nazis; indeed it registered as legal political organisations such gangs as the “Patriotic Front” and “National Party.” (This sister of the German NPD and British BNP denies the holocaust.)
     The “Workers’ Party,” an almost identical twin of the German NSDAP in the early 1930s, has also been registered as a legal political party.
     The bourgeoisie and its political puppets seem to be looking towards the fascists once again. The aim is obvious: restore them as forces for emergencies (when the frustrations of the working people turn political and against the system) and as a weapon against the communists and other progressive forces. This trend can be observed all over eastern Europe at present.
     A large part of the discussions with our Czech comrade was occupied by such questions as “What can we do? What should we have done better to combat the ban?”
     The answer was very clear: support from abroad is crucial for the KSM; international solidarity has been providing the strength to fight the ban and to take on anti-communism.
     In practical terms, and looking at the possibilities communists and other progressive forces have here in Ireland: communists have to continue raising their voice against the ban and anti-communism at every possible occasion. The CPI was one of the first parties in Europe to stage a protest at the Czech embassy, and many members and friends signed the petitions and sent protest letters. We have to make sure now that this protest continues and becomes broader.
     Anybody who hasn’t signed the on-line petition against the KSM ban, do so now!
     Friends, comrades, readers of this paper who don’t use the internet or who have a bit of time on hand: write letters of protest to the Czech embassy in Dublin or the Minister of Internal Affairs.
     Lobby MPs, MLAs, trade union representatives.

     The ban against the KSM must be lifted, and it can be lifted. Communists have a leading role to play in broadening the protests. The ban is a threat to all communist parties and indeed to many other progressive political organisations; once people understand the anti-democratic character of the move they usually help, supporting the protest.
     I promised the Czech comrade that we would do our best here in Ireland to create publicity and broaden the front against the ban. You can help fulfil this promise. It’s in the interests of communists, socialists and all other democratic forces, in Europe and beyond.

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