| From Unity, 27 February 2010 |
Putting Irish unity on the agendaJohn PinkertonLast Saturday saw Congress House, the London headquarters of the British TUC, host a packed conference, “Putting Irish Unity on the Agenda.” Organised by Sinn Féin, with a particular eye on the Irish in Britain, the aim was to open dialogue between all interested parties on the range of dimensions to reunification. A wide range of speakers from the anti-imperialist left, the nationalist right and unionism expressed their aspirations and concerns about achieving a united Ireland.Commenting prior to the conference, Martin McGuiness clearly stated Sinn Féin’s position. “We believe that Irish unity, on the basis of equality, offers the best future for all the people of this island. But we want to listen to unionism about why they believe the union is the best option. Opening up a debate around these key issues is the way forward.” On the day, Pat Doherty laid out the Sinn Féin case for Irish reunification and the right of the Irish people to national self-determination. He pointed out that the Belfast Agreement was “an accommodation, not a settlement,” and as long as partition exists the underlying cause of conflict persists. But at the same time he stressed that the republican goal of ending the union was also about “the construction of a new national democracy, a new republic on the island of Ireland and reconciliation between Orange and Green.” At its heart was the right to jobs, homes, decent education, and health care, equality in the Irish language, and full participation in the democratic process. Speakers such as Paul Bew, historian and one-time advisor to the Official Unionist Party leader David Trimble, and Andy Pollak, Centre for Cross-Border Studies, could see no prospect of unity in the foreseeable future. The collapse of the Celtic tiger economy meant the South had lost any appeal it might have had, along with its capacity to take over the British taxpayer’s subsidies to the deindustrialised north. However, other speakers, including the former City economist Michael Burke, argued that the economic case for reunification and independence is stronger than ever. Dependence and control by Britain have been disastrous for the Northern Ireland economy, and Ireland has the wealth if only it had the politics to distribute it in the common good. It was recognised by most of those present that any process leading to unity would require far-reaching social and economic reform on both sides of the border. Margaret Ward, from a feminist perspective, emphasised the need for a united Ireland to enshrine reproductive rights for women and to promote more equal political representation between the sexes. “If there is ever to be a united Ireland, the foundations have to include a profound transformation of gender relations.” Another speaker stressed that uniting Ireland would require a more inclusive definition of belonging than the blood link or celebration of traditional culture associated with the Irish diaspora. New emigrants and diverse cultures would have to have their place. Ken Livingston, ex-Mayor of London, pointed out that a united Ireland must have a different meaning in a 21st-century global economy from what it had meant when he first campaigned for dialogue with republicans at the height of the political violence—a period described to the conference by the SDLP assembly member Conall McDevitt as “dirty and futile.” Talk of a united Irish socialist republic may have been limited on Saturday, and notably absent from the statements of the Sinn Féin leadership, but the occasion was an important one. It represented the type of political opportunity that the Belfast Agreement has opened up and which must be supported and developed. |
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